While diplomacy and foreign policy are often touted by some expert commentators of the domain as an intricate cobweb, this analogy certainly poetic in nature, doesn’t really capture their true essence. These fields are indeed complex, but at their core, every foreign policy action boils down to one guiding principle the pursuit of national interest. Diplomacy and foreign policy by India – in this volatile, multipolar world have remained strategically aligned and firmly focused on advancing national interests on the global stage.
We haven’t allowed the mighty U.S. to twist our hand into deals it wanted. We firmly countered the POTUS’s repeated claims of a “ceasefire” between India and Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. We have begun engaging China the right way. New Delhi also opened direct channels with Afghanistan. And importantly, we didn’t let the recent upheavals in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal spill over into our internal affairs.
Let’s take a closer look at how India’s foreign policy has fared with the global superpowers and with our immediate neighbours.
Why Engaging with Afghanistan Matters
Soon after the visit of Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi to India, New Delhi upgraded its Technical Mission in Kabul to a full-fledged Embassy marking a significant step in normalising engagement with the Taliban-led administration. This was not just symbolic; it showed India’s intent to protect its long-term stakes and the development work it has invested in Afghanistan for years.
The strengthening ties between Delhi and Kabul were evident when Afghan officials dismissed Pakistan’s repeated claims that India was using Afghan soil for proxy operations. Rebutting these accusations, Afghan Defence Minister, Mullah Mohammad Yaqoob categorically called them unfounded and illogical.
Pak- Taliban relations have reached a new low since then with clarion call for war from both sides. Afghanistan has even warned Pakistan that it is ready for war after the failure of Oct-Nov Istanbul talks.
The Taliban’s rise to power in 2021 has ironically reduced Pakistan’s leverage. The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), once loosely aligned with Islamabad’s security establishment, has turned increasingly hostile towards Pakistan. This breakdown in ties gives India the opportunity to cautiously re-engage with the Taliban regime, leveraging the credibility built through years of developmental investment from highways and schools to the Afghan Parliament complex.
India has initiated pragmatic engagement with the current rulers of Afghanistan while ensuring that such engagement serves our regional stability and security objectives.
India and the United States
India and the U.S. relations have seen a major dip in recent times, but their relationship today is far stronger than it was in the 1970s or 1980s.
In an era where Washington views New Delhi as a key partner to balance China, India has learned to negotiate from a position of strength. When US President Donald Trump hiked tariffs on Indian goods by nearly 50% and called India a “tariff king”, New Delhi didn’t bend. The reaction to it was firm. MEA called the tariff- Unfair, Unjustified and Unreasonable.
India also maintained its composure and continued independent oil trade with Russia a clear sign of strategic autonomy. When the U.S. President claimed to have brokered a ceasefire between India and Pakistan, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar publicly clarified that the initiative was entirely India’s military decision.
India–U.S. trade crossed $131.84 billion in FY 2024–25, and the partnership now spans technology, defence, and critical minerals. Yet, India continues to push back where its interests diverge whether on energy policy, tariffs, or global sanctions.
The U.S. needs India to anchor its Indo-Pacific strategy and diversify supply chains, and India is engaging on equal terms. We are cooperating where interests align and asserting autonomy where they don’t.
India and China
Months after Beijing extended diplomatic support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor, India subtly recalibrated its engagement with China. Despite friction with Washington over trade and strategic differences in late 2025, New Delhi continued participating in high-level dialogues and SCO meetings, signalling its willingness to stabilise relations without compromising core concerns.
China remains India’s second-largest trading partner supplying electronics, machinery, and chemicals while India exports iron ore, petroleum, and other commodities. The trade deficit with China around $99 billion in 2024-25. Still, India leverages this interdependence to serve its industrial and strategic goals.
While “Atmanirbhar Bharat” will not close the gap overnight, the government’s focus on domestic manufacturing and trusted supply chains aims to gradually reduce this dependence. One might opine that our relationship with China is certainly defined by hard-headed realism, not rhetoric.
India and Russia
India has been measured and consistent in its response to the Russia-Ukraine war. New Delhi has called for dialogue, diplomacy, and peaceful resolution while upholding respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. At the same time, India has avoided joining Western-led sanctions against Russia.
Despite U.S. pressure, India continues to engage with Moscow as a critical energy and defence partner. It imports Russian crude oil at competitive rates and engages in limited LNG trade helping cushion domestic energy inflation. Defence cooperation continues too including procurement of the S-400 Triumf air-defence systems and joint production of spare parts and ammunition.
India and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) have already signed the Terms of Reference to negotiate a Free Trade Agreement, aiming to expand cooperation beyond energy and defence. Historically trusted allies, the India–Russia relationship today stands on pragmatic economic and strategic base.
When Western critics accused India of having “Ukrainian blood on its hands” for buying Russian oil, EAM Jaishankar’s bluntly responded that nations must act in their own interest. That sums up India’s approach perfectly: autonomy without apprehension.
Recent Oil Sanctions
The latest round of U.S. sanctions on Russian oil majors like Lukoil and Rosneft has complicated India’s energy procurement, but analysts suggest India can continue sourcing oil through alternative intermediaries and private traders. This is not defiance. It’s just economic pragmatism.
India with Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bangladesh
Nepal
In the aftermath of Nepal’s youth-led “Gen Z” protests, sections of the liberal commentariat began drawing fanciful parallels with India, predicting similar unrest brewing in youths. But in a vibrant democracy like ours, where youth have ample space to voice dissent, such speculation is misplaced.
India has responded cautiously to developments in Nepal avoiding overt political involvement while strengthening security along the 1751 kms open border to prevent infiltration or unrest. Even as China rushed to court Nepal’s new leadership, India is believed to have kept informal lines of communication open with Kathmandu’s security and policy makers circles. Major infrastructure and energy collaborations, including the 10,000 MW power export agreement, continue unhindered showing that India’s long-term strategic stakes in Nepal remain secure.
Bangladesh
Bangladesh’s 2024–25 student-led protests over the job-quota system and entrenched political dynasties shook the Dhaka establishment. The movement created turbulence in a country that has long been India’s ally in the region, with Sheikh Hasina at the helm.
While the interim leadership adopted a more nationalist tone, New Delhi avoided knee-jerk reactions. India strengthened BSF–BGB coordination, countered illegal migration, and maintained selective engagement through trade and power projects like the Akhaura–Agartala rail link and cross-border electricity exchange.
Despite anti-India slogans surfacing in some protests, New Delhi’s restrained diplomacy prevented the turmoil from affecting border peace or connectivity.
India continues to engage multiple political stakeholders in Dhaka, keeping national interest above personalities or parties. The resurgence of Islamist extremist elements in Bangladesh, including banned groups re-emerging and targeting Hindu Bengali communities, makes border stability and counter-radicalisation a major concern for New Delhi. The MEA has raised concerns regarding the need to ensure the safety and protection of Hindus and all other minority communities in Bangladesh.
India’s approach remains non-intrusive diplomatically, but security dialogue and intelligence sharing along the 4,096 km land border and maritime frontier are likely to become more visible features of the partnership.
Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka’s Aragalaya movement, which began in 2022 amid economic collapse, toppled the Rajapaksa regime and paved the way for a fragile recovery under President Wickremesinghe.
New Delhi extended over $4 billion in credit lines and humanitarian assistance, becoming Colombo’s most reliable partner during its toughest phase even as China sought to re-assert influence through debt restructuring. Key projects like the Trincomalee oil-tank farm and the proposed India–Sri Lanka power-grid link remain central to cooperation.
By focusing on economic recovery and energy security rather than domestic politics, India ensured that Sri Lanka’s instability did not spill over into its southern maritime flank.
Food For Thought
India’s foreign policy rightly reflects confident, self-reliant nation that engages with the world on its own terms. We cooperate where interests align, push back where they don’t, and stay focused on the ultimate principle safeguarding national interest.
Whether it’s standing firm with the U.S., recalibrating with China, re-engaging Afghanistan, balancing with Russia, or maintaining stability in our neighbourhood. India’s diplomacy can no longer be termed reactive. It is proactive, pragmatic, and unapologetically driven by what serves the Indian people best.
