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Five Stops, One Strategy: Inside Narendra Modi’s Global-South Power Play

With China’s Xi Jinping and Russia’s Vladimir Putin absent from the Rio BRICS summit, the spotlight shifted squarely to Narendra Modi.

Five Stops, One Strategy: Inside Narendra Modi Global-South Power Play

The Prime Minister’s week-long swing through Ghana, Trinidad & Tobago, Argentina, Brazil and Namibia from 2 to 9 July was no ordinary diplomatic roadshow. Each halt was chosen by Narendra Modi to advance a precise piece of a larger design: securing critical minerals, opening new markets for high-technology defence exports, and re-casting India as the most reliable partner of choice for the Global South at a moment when many developing nations are re-examining their options.

Narendra Modi at Work

The tour opened in Accra, where Ghana’s emerging lithium belt now figures prominently in India’s plans to dominate electric-vehicle and battery manufacturing. Trade between the two countries already tops three billion dollars, buoyed by an Indian credit line of roughly 450 million dollars. By adding fresh defence-training and maritime-security agreements, New Delhi has signalled that its interest in West Africa extends well beyond geology; it is also about erecting a security architecture that deters piracy and secures sea-lanes for the resource trade of the future.

From West Africa the delegation flew to Port of Spain, where nearly half of Trinidad & Tobago’s population traces its roots to India. The visit celebrated 180 years of Indian migration, yet the emphasis was unmistakably forward-looking: talks on linking the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) to local fintech rails, collaboration in disaster-management training, and exploratory discussions on gas investments that could diversify India’s energy basket. In effect, the diaspora was mobilised as a strategic asset and cultural familiarity was converted into economic and technological agreements that embed lasting goodwill.

Buenos Aires was next, marking the first Indian prime-ministerial visit to Argentina in fifty-seven years. The timing could not be more consequential. Argentina sits atop the world’s second-largest proven lithium reserves, a resource increasingly dubbed “white gold” for its pivotal role in the green-tech revolution. Beyond minerals, the two governments opened talks on Indian light helicopters and even Tejas fighter jets, illustrating a new doctrine: mineral diplomacy can travel together with high-technology defence cooperation, creating an ecosystem where raw materials, manufacturing and market access reinforce one another.

If Ghana locked in lithium and Trinidad broadened energy horizons, Brazil showcased India’s growing weight inside multilateral platforms. With China’s Xi Jinping and Russia’s Vladimir Putin absent from the Rio BRICS summit, the spotlight shifted squarely to Narendra Modi. Yet behind the cameras, Brazilian officials were examining Indian offers that range from Akash surface-to-air missiles to coastal surveillance systems and long-overdue refits for the Scorpene submarine fleet. The existing NETRA-Embraer airborne-early-warning collaboration speaks to a mature level of trust in sensitive technologies and signals that South–South cooperation is now capable of moving beyond commodity swaps to complex joint R&D.

The final stop, Windhoek, may have looked modest on programme sheets, but Namibia’s third-largest global uranium reserves and under-explored rare-earth deposits give it outsize importance for India’s clean-energy and semiconductor ambitions. Credit lines and joint-venture talks aimed at creating transparent, rules-based mining projects promise to give India a degree of supply-chain resilience far from the shadow of single-supplier dependence.

How India gained from the Prime Minister’s Official Trips

Taken together, the itinerary forms a coherent mosaic. First, mineral security: lithium from Ghana and Argentina, uranium and rare earths from Namibia, each linked to agreements that prioritise value addition inside partner countries rather than simple extraction. Second, the technology-defence nexus: India is exporting capability like radars, missiles, helicopters that allows partners to secure their own airspace and coastlines while deepening inter-operability with Indian forces. Third, diaspora diplomacy: Port of Spain demonstrated how shared heritage can fast-track agreements in digital finance, wellness tourism and energy. Fourth, leadership optics: by stepping into visible gaps at the BRICS summit and offering transparent finance alternatives, New Delhi positioned itself as a consultative, non-coercive champion of equitable development.

Timing, too, worked in India’s favour. Beijing’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative is under sharper scrutiny amid debt-restructuring talks from Colombo to Lusaka, and several Latin American capitals are wary of over-reliance on single-buyer commodity relationships. Mr Modi’s message—that India brings joint ventures, skill development and respect for sovereignty rather than opaque contracts, found a receptive audience. By sequencing the tour from West Africa to the Caribbean, down to South America, back up to Brazil for a multilateral summit, and finally across to southern Africa, the prime minister created an arc that demonstrated reach without over-extension and hinted at a replicable template for future outreach missions.

For India, the dividends are tangible. Diversified mineral supply chains protect against price shocks and geopolitical chokepoints. New markets for pharmaceuticals, IT services and defence hardware broaden an export map that has long leaned on traditional partners. Diplomatic leverage grows when Buenos Aires or Windhoek can be counted on to echo Indian positions in multilateral negotiations on climate finance or digital governance. Perhaps most important, each successful project under the India brand whether a lithium refinery in Salta or a coastal-radar grid off Recife adds to a narrative that the world’s most populous democracy can deliver development without forcing subordinate alignments.

For partner nations, the calculation is equally compelling. Transparent financing terms and capacity-building components contrast favourably with interest-heavy loans tied to foreign contractors. Collaborative technology transfer lets local industries climb up the value chain instead of remaining raw-material suppliers. And India’s own experience as a developing nation navigating infrastructure gaps, climate constraints and demographic pressures resonates more closely than advice handed down from distant OECD capitals.

For Narendra Modi, alignment, not dependence, is the Mantra

Prime Minister Modi’s five-nation tour showcases a foreign-policy doctrine built on alignment, not dependence. By hard-wiring critical-mineral corridors to battery and semiconductor ambitions, pairing defence technology with capacity-building, and converting cultural affinity into digital-finance and energy partnerships, India is positioning itself as the Global South’s trusted growth engine. The strategy is doubly effective because it answers two converging demands: partner nations want transparent deals that lift local industry, while New Delhi needs diversified inputs and export avenues to sustain its own rise. Each agreement from lithium processing in Ghana and Argentina to coastal-radar grids in Brazil adds a modular block to a broader architecture of shared prosperity and security.

For India the payoff is strategic depth without overreach; for host countries it is development minus the debt traps. At a moment when many capitals are recalibrating their external ties, Mr Modi’s “build, don’t bind” formula offers an attractive middle path between great-power rivalries. If the initiatives launched this week mature as planned, they will do more than fuel electric buses or safeguard sea-lanes—they will entrench India as the indispensable partner for any nation seeking equitable, sovereign-centred progress.

About the author: Pulkit Singh Bisht is a Delhi-based political analyst and commentator on sociopolitical issues.

Note: The opinions in the article are those of the author alone and do not reflect the Editorial Line of ForPol.

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