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How the Waqf Amendment Act is a game changer for Religious Land Holdings in India

India’s 2025 religious land reforms balance transparency, autonomy, and welfare across temples, Waqf, and church holdings, reshaping its secular governance.

Religious Land Holdings In India

Let’s start by addressing the elephant in the room, there is no credible evidence that India is experiencing “land grabbing” by religious minorities, whether Muslims through Waqf properties or Christians via Church holdings. Claims of disproportionate or illicit acquisition often stem from misinformation or politically motivated narratives, such as exaggerated figures for Christian properties, which have been debunked.

Religious endowments across all faiths are governed by legal frameworks, acquired through historical grants, donations, or purchases, and constitute a tiny fraction (~1–2%) of India’s total land area (328.7 million hectares). These properties primarily support community welfare, education, and worship, not expansionist agendas.

Encroachments and mismanagement occur across religions, for example, 59,000 Waqf properties have been affected, and temple lands in Tamil Nadu have been retrieved after illegal occupation, but reforms such as the 2025 Waqf Amendment Act and state-level temple audits aim to address them uniformly.

Christian Church Holdings

There is no official or centralised record of land owned by Christian churches in India, as properties are held independently by thousands of dioceses, parishes, trusts, and religious orders under laws such as the Societies Registration Act (1860) and the Indian Trusts Act (1882).

The Catholic Church, representing about 70% of India’s 2.3% Christian population (~28 million), manages over 10,700 parishes, 11,000+ schools, and 2,457 hospitals with approximately 85,000 beds, alongside numerous welfare institutions. Most Church properties are small urban or semi-urban plots (<1 hectare), lawfully acquired through purchases, donations, or historical grants (e.g., St Xavier’s College, Mumbai; Lisie Hospital, Kochi).

Overall holdings likely total tens to a few hundred thousand hectares, well below 1% of India’s land and far less than the ~2 million hectares estimated for Hindu temple trusts. These lands primarily support education, healthcare, and social welfare, with revenues largely reinvested rather than monetised.

While occasional mismanagement exists, it is handled internally. Although voluntary audits have been suggested, no mandatory national registry exists for any religious community’s holdings.

Waqf Land Ownership

Waqf properties are permanent Muslim endowments of movable or immovable assets dedicated for religious, pious, or charitable purposes, such as mosques, graveyards, schools, and hospitals. Managed by state-level Waqf Boards under the Waqf Act, 1995 (amended in 2025 as the UMEED Act), these assets cannot be sold, gifted, or inherited, and their benefits accrue to the community.

As of 14 March 2025, India has approximately 8.72 lakh registered Waqf properties spanning over 38 lakh acres (1.58 million hectares, ~0.48–0.5% of India’s land), making it one of the largest community-owned land repositories globally, third after the armed forces and the railways.

Challenges include poor documentation (only 9,279 ownership documents and 1,083 Waqf deeds uploaded to the WAMSI portal), encroachments (nearly 59,000 properties), and legal disputes (over 73,000 cases). The 2025 amendments aim to improve transparency through digitisation, audits, and expedited dispute resolution via district collectors and tribunals.

The UMEED Act mandates that only practising Muslims (5+ years) can create Waqf properties with lawful proof of ownership, while protecting women’s and children’s inheritance rights. It prohibits Waqf on tribal or government lands, limits commercial leases (3 years, extendable to 30), and includes non-Muslims on Waqf boards.

Holdings have expanded from 18 lakh acres (pre-2013) to 39 lakh acres (2025), prompting reforms to recover encroached land and boost revenue from ₹163 crore to an estimated ₹12,000 crore annually. Proponents cite enhanced transparency and accountability, while critics warn of excessive government oversight reducing religious autonomy.

Comparative Overview of Religious Land Holdings

Based on official and verified estimates (2025):

  • Hindu temples and trusts: ~20 lakh acres, spanning temples, ashrams, and endowments. Tamil Nadu alone accounts for ~4.78 lakh acres; Andhra Pradesh ~4 lakh acres. Recent retrievals in Tamil Nadu recovered 7,550 acres valued at ₹7,871 crore.
  • Muslim Waqf properties: ~38 lakh acres, across ~8.7 lakh properties such as mosques and graveyards.
  • Christian churches: <0.5 lakh acres, mostly small institutional plots for schools and hospitals.
  • Sikh, Jain, and Buddhist trusts: ~1–2 lakh acres.

However, Hindu holdings and Waqf estates, remain under-documented and represent a very small fraction of national land, excluding private agricultural and urban property (~90% of India’s total).

Government Control Over Hindu Temples

Hindu temples are largely state-controlled under acts such as the Tamil Nadu HR&CE Act (1959), rooted in British-era regulations to prevent mismanagement. Article 25(2) allows oversight of secular aspects (finances, land) without affecting essential religious practices, as upheld in the Shirur Mutt case (1954).

Such oversight has enabled reforms like temple entry for all castes and the inclusion of backward-class priests, while minority institutions remain autonomous, prompting debates on “unequal secularism.”

State management curbs fraud, prevents idol thefts, and funds welfare initiatives, exemplified by Tamil Nadu’s digitisation of 4.8 lakh acres. Critics argue it erodes devotees’ autonomy and risks revenue misuse, prompting calls to “free temples” under Article 26.

Recent reforms, including Karnataka’s HR&CE Amendment Bill (2025) and Telangana’s Yadagirigutta Trust Board, aim to balance regulation and independence. Prime Minister Modi’s 2025 remarks on southern temple control have reignited discussions on a national policy devolving management to devotees while retaining audits.

Broader Implications: Reforms, Equity, and National Cohesion

Political Implications

The UMEED Act has polarised opinion. The NDA defends it as a transparency measure, while opposition parties cite erosion of Muslim autonomy, leading to Supreme Court challenges under Articles 14, 21, and 26. Parallel debates on state-controlled Hindu temples and calls for devotee-led boards could converge into uniform audits, potentially unifying governance or deepening communal tensions.

Social Implications

Religious endowments are key welfare anchors, Waqf supports madrasas and orphanages, churches operate rural schools, and temples fund community meals such as Tirupati’s three lakh daily servings. Reforms could amplify welfare reach (e.g., unlocking ₹12,000 crore in Waqf revenue and boosting cultural tourism), but uneven oversight risks perceptions of bias.

Inclusivity measures, including women’s representation and tribal land protections, align with Article 25(2) reforms promoting caste and gender equity.

Economic Implications

Endowments hold untapped economic potential. Digitised and regulated leasing could yield ₹20,000+ crore annually, generate employment, and strengthen rural education, healthcare, and tourism, provided mismanagement is minimised and marginalised communities are prioritised.

Legal and Constitutional Implications

Supreme Court reviews of the UMEED Act and Article 26 temple autonomy are shaping a doctrine of balanced secularism, ensuring state oversight of “secular” functions does not infringe on “essential religious practices.” A national framework for religious endowments could standardise accountability while preventing politicisation.

Conclusion

India’s 2025 religious land reforms signal a shift towards transparent, welfare-driven governance that could enhance both economic and social capital. Success depends on equitable enforcement, judicial safeguards, and community participation, transforming religious assets from sources of tension into instruments of national integration and pluralistic cohesion.

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