The following is an interview that ForPol conducted with Mr Zafar Sahito – Founder and Chief Organiser of the Jeay Sindh Freedom Movement, where Mr Sahito opens up about his views on the nature of the Movement, Sindh’s ancient connection to the Indian Subcontinent, and Pakistan’s politics.
ForPol Staff (FPS): Can you introduce the Jeay Sindh Freedom Movement to our audience? What is the primary goal behind establishing this organization?
Zafar Sahito (Zafar): The Jeay Sindh Freedom Movement is a political organization that advocates for the rights of the Sindhi people, both within Sindh and among the Sindhi diaspora. It was established with the primary goal of achieving the right to self-determination for Sindh, which the movement views as an occupied region under Pakistani control. Inspired by the ideas of G. M. Syed, the movement seeks to establish an independent and sovereign Sindhi state, free from what it considers political and economic domination by the central government of Pakistan.
FPS: India and Pakistan have a history of conflict, with India facing challenges from Pak-sponsored terrorism, such as the recent Pahalgam attack. We understand that people in Sindh experience even more severe forms of terrorism. Could you shed light on the situation in Sindh for our readers?
Zafar: Sindh, a historically rich and culturally distinct region in Pakistan, has faced significant internal challenges over the years. The province has witnessed a rise in Islamist radicalism, with networks of religious seminaries (madrasas) allegedly being used to alter the secular and Sufi-influenced fabric of Sindhi society. Many observers and Sindhi nationalist groups claim that these efforts are part of a broader strategy by the Pakistani establishment to dilute the region’s historical identity.
There are also growing concerns that militant groups have been allowed or encouraged to settle in Sindh, partly due to its strategic location bordering India. Some allege this is part of a wider regional policy to counter India, given the long stretch of the international border Sindh shares with Rajasthan and Gujarat.
Tragically, Sindhi political activists and leaders have often borne the brunt of this militarized approach. Over the past few decades, more than 60 prominent Sindhi political figures have been reportedly killed, and hundreds remain missing. Human rights organizations and local advocacy groups attribute many of these disappearances to state-backed actions aimed at suppressing dissent and nationalist aspirations.
The situation in Sindh reflects a broader pattern of repression seen in several provinces of Pakistan, where demands for political autonomy and cultural preservation are often met with heavy-handed tactics. These developments deserve greater international attention, especially when discussing regional stability and counter-terrorism in South Asia.

FPS: Given the current unrest in Pakistan, with Sindhi, Balochi, Pashtuni, and Saraiki communities demanding freedom, how do you envision the future for Sindh amidst these turbulent times?
Zafar: The demand from the people of Sindh is unambiguous — freedom from Pakistan’s oppressive regime, liberation from Islamist radicalism, and a complete expulsion of Chinese Communist Party influence from our region. Our vision is for a free, secular, and inclusive society that honors the heritage, culture, and identity of the Sindhi people.
Our future lies not under the shadow of military control or foreign domination, but in reconnecting with our ancient roots and shared civilizational history — particularly with Bharat (India), with whom we share deep linguistic, cultural, and spiritual ties. We believe the time is approaching when Sindh will rise as a liberated region, free to determine its own destiny in peace, dignity, and harmony.
FPS: Following India’s Operation Sindoor, what is the current state of Sindh? How does the sentiment of the local Sindhi population compare to the broader Pakistani population?
Zafar: Protests and rallies advocating for Sindhudesh‘s independence have been organized, with participants expressing their desire for autonomy and a rejection of religious extremism. For instance, in Amarkot, Sindh, thousands gathered to oppose religious extremism and the construction of canals on the Indus River, signaling a clear message of peace and resistance against anti-people policies. While the Sindhi nationalist movements are vocal and organized, they represent a specific regional perspective. The broader Pakistani population’s sentiment may vary, with many citizens supporting national unity and the sovereignty of Pakistan. Nationalist movements in regions like Sindh and Balochistan often face opposition from the central government, which views such movements as threats to national integrity.
FPS: Sindh, historically known as Sindhu or Sapta Sindhu, shares a deep cultural and historical connection with India. How significant is this relationship for the Sindhi community living in Sindh today?
Zafar: Ancient Sindh (Sapta Sindhu) was one of the cradles of the Indus Valley Civilization, with sites like Mohenjo-daro symbolizing advanced urban culture in ancient India. Sindh is the cradle of Indus civilization. however the Sapta-Sindhu mentioned in our ancient texts are inclusive of the entire land of Pakistan. Being specific: the Punjabi dominance should be aware of the fact that the name ‘Punjab’ came from “Five Rivers” is actually rooted with the “Sapta-Sindhu” i.e. the land of “Seven Rivers.”
So the entire region is the cradle of Indus Civilization known as “Sapta-Sindhu.”
- The Rigveda, one of the most sacred texts of Hinduism, refers to the region as Sapta Sindhu (Land of Seven Rivers), highlighting its centrality in early Vedic civilization.
- Sindh was a hub of Sanatan thought, philosophy, and diverse spiritual traditions including Vedic, Buddhist, and Jain influences over the centuries.
- The historical and cultural connection between Sindh and India is not just a memory of the past, but a living aspiration for many Sindhis today—especially among those who identify with Sanatan Dharma. While the geopolitical reality may present barriers, the emotional, cultural, and civilizational bond continues to inspire Sindhis seeking to reclaim their heritage and identity.
FPS: In your recent open letter, you urged international organisations like the United States, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank to recognise Sindh’s issues. What specific actions are you asking these organisations to take?
Zafar:
United States Government –
- Diplomatic Pressure: Urge Pakistan to ensure human rights, fair representation, and equitable resource distribution in Sindh.
- Targeted Aid: Allocate aid programs specifically for development projects in Sindh, including clean water, healthcare, and education.
- Support for Civil Society: Increase funding for NGOs and grassroots movements advocating for democracy, human rights, and linguistic/cultural preservation in Sindh
International Monetary Fund (IMF) –
- Loan Conditionalities: Tie financial assistance to measurable progress in equitable resource distribution among provinces, including Sindh.
- Transparency Requirements: Demand greater fiscal transparency from Pakistan’s federal and provincial governments, especially in how funds are allocated to and used in Sindh.
- Monitoring Social Impact: Include social equity assessments in structural adjustment programs to ensure reforms benefit all regions fairly.
World Bank –
- Targeted Development Projects: Fund infrastructure, education, and healthcare projects specifically in underserved areas of Sindh.
- Environmental Restoration: Invest in programs to mitigate the ecological degradation of the Indus River Delta and address water scarcity in Sindh.
- Provincial Autonomy Support: Support initiatives that empower local governance and administrative capacity in Sindh, improving provincial decision-making and accountability.
FPS: What is your perspective on Pakistan’s use of misinformation and propaganda during Operation Sindoor and in other challenging times?
Zafar: Pakistan has used misinformation as a tool since its early conflicts with India—such as the 1947–48 Kashmir War, the 1965 and 1971 wars, and more recently in narratives about Kargil (1999) or Pulwama/Balakot (2019). These events often featured:
- Denial of military involvement in proxy warfare.
- Overstatement of military success.
- Underreporting or misrepresentation of losses.
Pakistan’s use of misinformation during Operation Sindoor and other critical moments is part of a deliberate strategy to manage perception, assert strategic narratives, and maintain internal cohesion. While it’s a common feature of geopolitical conflict, the reliance on propaganda also reflects deeper institutional dynamics—especially the military’s dominant role in Pakistan’s policy-making. Long-term, such strategies carry significant risk, both domestically and internationally.
FPS: If Sindh achieves independence, how do you foresee relationships with neighbouring countries, and what kind of partnerships would the Sindhi community seek to build?
Zafar:
- Historical-Cultural Ties: Sindh shares deep cultural, linguistic, and historical roots with India, especially Rajasthan and Gujarat. The presence of a large Sindhi diaspora in India would likely support diplomatic and trade relations.
- Strategic Interests: India might see an independent Sindh as a way to reduce Pakistan’s influence or contain instability. However, formal recognition would be cautious and measured, depending on the geopolitical climate.
- Possible Partnerships: Trade, water-sharing agreements (Indus Basin), and cultural exchanges.
We also welcome if India could take a stand for forming a Confederation or a Regional Union with her historical and civilizational associates.