Islamic Terrorism in Africa: All You Need To Know

Islamic terrorism in Africa emerged in the late 1970s and 1980s, driven by a combination of local socio-political conditions and the global spread of radical Islamist ideologies. The earliest significant wave began in North Africa, particularly in Algeria, where the rise of political Islam clashed with secular governments. The Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), a political party with Islamist leanings, gained traction in the late 1980s. When the Algerian government cancelled elections in 1991–1992, which the FIS was poised to win, it sparked a brutal civil war. Radical factions like the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) emerged, employing terrorist tactics, including bombings and massacres, targeting civilians and security forces. The GIA’s violence in the 1990s, with an estimated 100,000–200,000 deaths, marked one of the first major instances of organised Islamic terrorism in Africa.

The global spread of Salafi-jihadist ideologies, fueled by the Afghan-Soviet War (1979–1989), played a pivotal role. African fighters, particularly from North Africa and Sudan, joined the mujahideen in Afghanistan, returning with radical ideologies and combat experience. Osama bin Laden’s presence in Sudan (1991–1996) further catalysed this trend, as al-Qaeda established training camps and networks in East Africa. The 1998 U.S. embassy bombings in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, by al-Qaeda (killing 224 people) were landmark events, signalling the arrival of transnational Islamic terrorism in sub-Saharan Africa.

The collapse of Somalia’s central government in 1991 created a vacuum exploited by Al-Shabaab, which formally emerged in 2006 as an offshoot of the Islamic Courts Union. Influenced by al-Qaeda’s ideology, Al-Shabaab began conducting suicide bombings and attacks, such as the 2010 Kampala bombings in Uganda (74 deaths), targeting civilians and African Union forces. Its roots trace back to the 1990s, when Somalia’s instability allowed Islamist militias to gain ground.

In Nigeria, Boko Haram, founded in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf, initially focused on preaching but turned violent by 2009, attacking schools, villages, and security forces. Its pledge to the Islamic State in 2015 (forming Islamic State West Africa Province, ISWAP) marked its integration into global jihadist networks. In the Sahel, groups like Ansar Dine and Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), an offshoot of Algeria’s GIA, gained prominence in the 2000s, exploiting weak governance in Mali, Niger, and Mauritania. The 2012 Mali crisis, where jihadists seized northern territories, was a turning point, solidifying the Sahel as a terrorism hub.

By the 2010s, Islamic terrorism in Africa had become a continent-wide challenge, driven by groups like Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab, AQIM, Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen (JNIM), and Islamic State affiliates. The Sahel emerged as the global epicentre of terrorism by 2023, with groups exploiting political instability, ethnic tensions, and the withdrawal of Western forces. The Sahel region, encompassing countries like Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, has become the world’s most significant hotspot for Islamic terrorism, accounting for over half of global terrorism-related deaths in 2024. Groups like Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen (JNIM, an al-Qaeda affiliate) and Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) exploit political instability, weak governance, and ungoverned spaces to launch deadly attacks on civilians and security forces. The surge in violence, with a 20% increase in fatalities in 2023 alone, is fueled by local grievances, military coups, and the withdrawal of Western counterterrorism support, creating a vacuum for extremist expansion.

Islamic terrorism in Africa is not confined to the Sahel but is spreading to coastal West Africa (e.g., Benin and Togo) and persists in regions like Somalia and the Lake Chad Basin. Groups such as Al-Shabaab in Somalia, Boko Haram, and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) in Nigeria and Cameroon thrive in areas with poor governance, economic deprivation, and ethnic marginalisation. These groups often blend local objectives, like controlling resources or addressing community grievances, with global jihadist ideologies, making their insurgencies resilient and adaptive. For instance, Al-Shabaab’s attacks in Mogadishu and Boko Haram’s predation on civilians highlight their localised yet deadly impact.

The rise of Islamic terrorism in Africa is intertwined with both regional dynamics and external influences. The withdrawal of French and UN forces, coupled with the involvement of Russian mercenaries like the Africa Corps (formerly Wagner Group), has often exacerbated violence rather than curbed it, as seen in Mali and Burkina Faso. Additionally, the historical spillover of jihadist ideologies from West Asia, particularly after the decline of ISIS in Iraq and Syria, has bolstered groups like Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab. Socio-economic challenges, such as high youth populations and poverty, further create fertile ground for recruitment, while advanced technologies like drones and encrypted messaging enhance these groups’ operational capabilities.

For India, the rise of Islamic terrorism in Africa, driven by socio-political conditions, holds strategic significance. India’s growing economic investments in Africa—$75 billion in trade by 2023—and its diaspora of over 3 million across the continent are vulnerable to instability caused by jihadist violence. The Sahel’s emergence as the global epicentre of terrorism, with over 50% of terrorism-related deaths in 2024, threatens India’s energy and mineral interests in West Africa. Moreover, the ideological underpinnings of jihadism, rooted in Salafi-jihadist theology, share parallels with groups India faces, such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, highlighting the need for global counterterrorism cooperation.

India can leverage its non-interventionist foreign policy and development expertise to address Africa’s socio-political drivers of terrorism. Programs like India’s Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) can enhance governance and education, thereby reducing the appeal of jihadist groups. Counterterrorism partnerships, such as training African security forces or sharing intelligence through the African Union, align with India’s interest in a stable Africa. Understanding the theological dimension—particularly Salafi-jihadism’s role—can also inform India’s engagement with African Muslim communities, promoting moderate voices to counter radical narratives.